Frederick Dsilva ( Journalist )

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Monday, June 29, 2015

Was Dr.Manmohan Singh tenure as PM a failure?


Why is Dr. Manmohan Singh respected and rated as the highest qualified Prime Minister in the World? Whereas we Indians criticize him as a failure and the reason for Congress debacle in elections. Well! there are various factors into play and a lengthy debate. As my personal view I will analyse a few in short. Firstly, I believe an intellect is always an intellect. Similarly, Dr. Manmohan Singh's intellect cannot be questioned or disputed. Secondly, many question him as not a capable leader. 



India does not need a good leader because all the inputs provided to the PM are from the bureaucrats. He only should have the capabilities of implementing the inputs. Dr. Manmohan Singh is a scholar who is recognised the world over. We know how Dr. Manmohan Singh saved India from the brink of bankruptcy in 1991 when India had hardly a little over two week surplus for imports, that compelled us to pledge gold. With his policies and reforms we are today more that self sufficient in foreign reserves. India reached the status as a world economic power house and the third largest economy in the world.



Even during the world economic recession and global meltdown where most of the world's top economies were shattered, Manmohan Singh held the distinction of keeping India's economy intact. So, what changed his intellect suddenly, that he is now labelled not a good leader? As a PM during 2004-2009 UPA rule, Manmohan Singh raised India's average growth rate to around 9% which is credible. It was only during the past 5 years after BJP could not digest their second term Lok sabha loss, they hatched a conspiracy to dethrone the UPA Government. 



All the reforms or policies brought out by the UPA were opposed by the BJP with no logic or a will to compromise or resole for an agreement. Hence, the BJP stalled every policy of the UPA during the past 5 years by frequently disrupting Parliament. In fact, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj said that it is the BJP which would decide “on a daily basis” whether Parliament would be allowed to function that day. The PM was not allowed to speak or implement his reforms and policies. He was on a daily basis accused of scams and forced to resign at least 100 times. So, how can one expect Manmohan Singh to be efficient if not allowed to perform? 
Also, the other reason was that the PM was running a coalition government and was handicapped with coalition compulsions. Thirdly, he was running a minority government and had to depend on the support of other parties and opposition to push through reforms. If not, we know how Mamta Banerjee of TMC withdrew support from the government, making the PM task all the more difficult. And lastly, we had a non co-operative opposition whose only job was to oppose every policy or reform at the cost of the nation economy.

Sunday, June 28, 2015

Why has Modi's 'Swachh Bharat Abhiyan' failed?

In the last few days I see this photo ‘Swachh Rajasthan’ go viral on Social Media. This is not the situation only in Rajasthan but all across India. I had earlier too emphasized that holding a broom for a photo shoot for a day is not going to ‘clean India. What are required are commitment, dedication and honest officers. Why has Modi’s "Swachh Bharat" movement not taken off? Because, by merely cleaning a clean place with a broom in hand for a day, get clicked in a few photographs, post them on social media, nominate 5 people who follow the trend without much dedication, will not bring the results. Yes! Its good spreading awareness but we need to step on ground-zero


Cleanliness is not a small problem that can be solved overnight. First, government needs to change their policy and reforms. We are living in a country, where we are forced to throw garbage on roads or street corners for lack of bins. And expecting from us, to make our India clean is asking too much. Lack of bins, overflowing bins, underpaid and understaffed department, no accountability etc are the bottlenecks. So! How’s that justified for a clean India? According to a census, about half of India's population lives without a toilet. It may seem that the government has failed in its part to provide the basic amenities every human being must have. 


Morals splashed on TV, newspaper advertisement don't hold a value unless brought into practice. As they say practice what you preach. ‘Swachh Bharat’ is just a joke nowadays because of this reason. Every major city has acres of garbage which are dumped in landfills. Those cannot be possibly cleaned. It is impossible to 'clean' India. Remember, we can act only if provided with the infrastructure and calling for a ‘Swachh Bharat Abhiyan’ revolution with no infrastructure and basic facilities cannot clean India as being dreamt by our PM. It's like treating a disease without dealing with the symptoms. Definitely! People need education and awareness. But, unless they are provided with the basic amenities that change will not happen. 

Wednesday, August 3, 2011

Mr. Yeshwant Sinha! Please practice before you preach...


The BJP when it is out of power resorts to tactics of ransom and preaching. They wisely forget their past. Yeshwant Sinha, the Finance Minister during the NDA regime could do nothing better on the financial front and is now advising the ruling government that he will help in controlling price rise within two months. Is he going to spray a magical trick or resort to tricks of ‘Babas’? Yeshwant Sinha, please recollect what good have you done during your tenure as Finance Minister for the common man in regards to policies, corruption and food grains. Here is a gist…In its drive for all-out globalisation and liberalisation, the NDA government even surpassed the Rao-Manmohan duo of the Congress. Under the NDA government the GDP growth rate came down from 6.2% in 1996-97 to an average of around 5% in 1999-2003. The industrial growth rate came down from 11.7% in 1996-97 to 5% in 2000-01. Under the NDA government the public investment came down from 11.7% in 1985-86 to 6.3% in 2002-03.



The industrial growth rate came down from 11.7% in 1996-97 to 5% in 2000-01. Under the NDA government the public investment came down from 11.7% in 1985-86 to 6.3% in 2002-03.The NDA government completely liberalised the import of consumer goods over the three import-export policies it presented from 1998-99 onwards, Unemployment tremendously increased during the NDA period. Growth rate of employment in the country fell drastically during the NDA government period. Employment in the organised sector fell from 28.11 million in 1999 to 27.96 million in 2000. The number of unemployed persons had gone up from about 75 lakh in 1993-94 to 90 lakh in 1999-2000. As per the information collected through Employment Market Information Programme of Directorate General of Employment & Training, the average growth rate of employment in public sector had come down to around 0.15% per annum during 1991-2000 from 2.08% per annum during 1983-89.



According to Economic Survey 2001-02, 5192 sick industrial units were registered under BIFR including 4930 private sector units and 95 Central PSUs and 167 State PSUs. Data from the National Sample Survey (NSS) of households suggest that the proportion of people below the poverty line has remained more or less unchanged around 36 per cent in the 1990s. The NDA government meekly surrendered to the demands of developed imperialist countries at the WTO and signed the treaty. The NDA government had proposed labour law changes against the interests of the working class. The NDA government appointed a Second Labour Commission without proper workers’ representatives on that and with anti-worker terms of reference to amend labour laws according to the needs of globalisation. It accepted the anti-labour recommendations of the Second Labour Commission. The Vajpayee government declared a war against the workers in its 2001-02 budget proposing amendment to Section V-B of the Industrial Disputes Act to allow industrial units with up to 1000 workers to close down without government permission and to Section 10 of the Contract Labour Act to legalise the contract labour system. The government also amended the Trade Union Act of 1926.


The Centre deployed the army against the striking power sector workers on the request of the UP government. The Centre deployed navy personnel against the striking port and dock. Workers. The NDA government proposed to restructure ESI and Pension schemes. The number of man days lost due to lockouts was almost four times than the number of man days lost due to strikes in 2001. The Union budget 2001-02 announced the decision to cut government staff strength by 10% in five years. That meant a loss of 66,000 jobs per year. The Vajpayee government started privatisation of even profit-making PSUs. Despite a powerful resistance by BALCO workers the company was handed over to Sterlite Industries for a song.
The NDA government refused to fix mandatory floor-level minimum wage at the Centre. The rate of unemployment increased from about 6 per cent in 1993-94 to 7.3 per cent in 1999-2000.
The NDA government did not pass a comprehensive legislation for agricultural labourers but clubbed agricultural labour within the Unorganised Sector Workers Bill. Under objection from the Finance Ministry, the Unorganised Labour Bill was also shelved. Labour Minister Sahib Singh Verma announced on November 7, 2003, a five-year waiver for units in special economic zones from contribution to the Employees Provident Fund and the Employees State Insurance Scheme. Verma also said the government had also decided in principle to allow fixed-term labour contracts in other areas of the economy. This led to pushing farmers to commit suicide and poor peasants, plantation and urban labourers to die of starvation. The policies of the NDA government under the garb of so-called "second generation reforms" had led to an acute rural crisis in India resulting in the twin tragedies of farmers’ suicides and starvation deaths.

The NDA government attempted to disband state procurement of food grains. The food grains in the FCI godowns were rotting but it was neither being distributed through PDS nor given to the poor through food for work schemes. PDS prices of food grains were repeatedly increased by the Vajpayee government. The prices of PDS food grains, fertilisers, kerosene and LPG had also been increased by the Vajpayee government. The governemnt has cut subsidies on fertilisers, pesticides, irrigation, power and all other inputs making agrarian production costlier.
  





Tuesday, August 2, 2011

BJP, to be different, it has to shun the love of power


The parliamentarians seem to be shameless and spineless creatures. Even Kindergarten children seem to have more discipline than these scoundrels. Why do they frequently stall the parliament and hold the nation to ransom? Why not debate and work out solutions in a disciplined and dignified manner instead of only playing the blame game and tricks of toppling the government? In this game nothing will materialize, as both will stick to their guns and the ultimate loser is the ‘aam admi’. The washed out winter session of parliament, stalled daily for 22 consecutive days due to opposition protests and adjournments, had translated into a loss of a staggering over Rs.171 crore to the nation. The amount if worked out with the expenditure for each day of a session calculates at an astronomical Rs.7.8 crore. Never before in the history of the Indian Parliament has a complete session been washed out without transacting any business. This is violative of all rules of business and ethics, it is rather criminal. Even question hour and private members’ business have been made a casualty. Shame on our democracy!
Regarding, BJP’s stand of stalling Parliament on the issue of price rise, it is an accepted fact that this phenomenon is a global issue. The global economy is in a crisis. And things are only going to get worse. Inflation is one of the manifestations of the global crisis, and arises from changes in the relationship between the volume of commodities and of money in the economy. A characteristic feature of international inflation is its global character. It affects all countries to one extent or another, lowering the buying power of all monetary units to varying degrees. At present, the fastest price rises are for goods of primary necessity that are constantly consumed - food and fuel. Presently, world economic crisis is at a precarious stage, manifesting itself primarily in the area of finance (destabilisation of stock markets, bank losses, growing inflation, and rising interest rates); the crisis will affect all countries that are part of the world economy, and will usher in a prolonged depression. The global economic de-stabilisation will have enormously destructive consequences. The crisis has seen a recession in the US and the beginning of an industrial downturn in other countries. Instead of BJP holding the nation to hostage, why they not give any suggestions to curb or control price rise? It is a constitutional duty of the opposition to play a helping hand in the progress of the nation instead of destabilizing the functioning of government.
On the second issue where the BJP has been training its guns on government, is their theory on intelligence failure of terror strike on Mumbai. However, it is strange for BJP to attack the government on terrorism and government failure. In fact, they should not forget that BJP during its rule had brought the terrorists right inside the Parliament. Further terrorism took its roots in the country only after L.K.Advani rath yatra and demolition of Babri Masjid. Thereafter, terrorist attacks on the country have been at regular intervals. All this goes on while recorded evidence shows that Advani led the symbolic religious caravan (rath yatra) across the country, which left behind a trail of anti-Muslims riots killing over 3000 Muslims and burning and looting their properties in many states. The BJP people have grossly misused their platform to air their biases, misinformation and lies. In government they have tried to change the secular outlook of the State. Of course, Advani and others who cons pirated the demolition are both criminals and mass murderers on a colossal scale. While Advani masterminded the Babri Masjid demolition and arranged for the subsequent mass murder of thousands of Muslims across the country he himself played a major role.
Later, the decision of the Vajpayee government to release three dreaded terrorists including Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) chief Masood Azhar in December, 1999 received a lot of flak from various political parties, more so because the then external affairs minister Jaswant Singh accompanied them (terrorists) to Kandahar. Azhar’s name had subsequently figured in the December 2001 terror attack on Parliament and the attack outside Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in Srinagar in the same month.  As a nation we do not have the guts to stand up to terrorism. We cannot take hits and suffer casualties. We start counting our dead even before a battle has been won or lost. We make a great show of honouring those who die on the battlefield and lionise brave hearts of history. We are, if truth be told, a nation of cowards who don’t have the courage to admit one’s weakness but are happy to blame others.  Nearly, after a decade after the incident, many people still hold the BJP-led NDA Government responsible for the ‘shameful’ denouement.
Lastly, just 24 hours after 3 blasts ripped through Mumbai, Congress and BJP had locked horns. With the BJP blaming the government policy on terror, saying vote bank politics had weakened the fight against terror, the government asked the Opposition to stop the petty politics. The BJP besides playing the blame game and accusing has nothing fruitful to offer to the nation. Terrorists strikes have been a regular affair and BJP-NDA during their rule had done nothing to stop them and now they are proudly preaching. It is not that we have not witnessed the acts of terror before. Starting from attack on Parliament, Ansal Plaza, Akshrdham temple, Raghunath Temple in Jammu; during NDA regime to blasts in Malegaon, Samjhauta express, Nanded, Jalna , Parbhani, attack on RSS headquarters in Nagpur and Chennai, killing of two Bajrang Dal workers in Nanded while making bombs, Hyderabad blasts and Jaipur one's the country has suffered enormously during the past decade.
Finally, the BJP always claimed itself to be a party with a difference but in practice it appears no different. Now, it’s high time it shuns its gimmicks and goes on the job of constitutional politics and shy aside the blame game. To be different, it has to shun the love of power. And to project itself as ‘a party with a difference’, it will have to put certain ideals ahead of power.

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

Should the success of Anna Hazares fast be interpreted as the Rise of Fascism in India and Ring alarm bells for Democracy?

What Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev are trying to achieve with their protest is, in the long run, very harmful for the country. Protesting against corruption in itself is, of course, not wrong and should even be encouraged, but what they are trying to do is influence the working of a democratically-elected government and the due process of law-making by what is essentially blackmail. The constitution of this country clearly lays down a number of safeguards, processes and institutions that are designed to deal with all these issues. If someone has a problem with corruption, there is process to report to the police or file a PIL. Or better still, don’t elect them!
Violating the due process to achieve a goal — and this is admittedly a noble goal — is adding to the problem. It sows the seeds of anarchy. This is trial by the media and trial by a kangaroo court. Who are Anna Hazare, Baba Ramdev or his followers to decide what should or should not be included in the Lokpal Bill? Leave it to Parliament. That’s what you elected them for. Our government is our government. We put them there, and often enough have booted them out every five years if we don’t like them.
Allowing extra-constitutional measures to be used to influence the process of lawmaking sets a dangerous precedent. Today, it’s taking on corruption. How do we know that tomorrow it won’t be used to push some other majority agenda like a fast for constructing Ram temple at Ayodhya; pressurising government to wage a war against Pakistan to resolve Kashmir issue and many more.If the whole bunch of Hindu wings - Shiv Sena, RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal etc throw their weight behind them. Then what?
India’s main strength lies in its ability to have maintained democracy for 63 years while all others who became independent around the same time have failed. The wellspring of the Indian democracy has been the strength of its Constitution and institutions. These are above all issues and above all people. They’re not perfect by any means but need to be upheld to ensure that every issue goes through the same due process. That is democracy. If Anna Hazare or Ramdev have a problem, and do not want to use the courts, then let them deal with them in the ultimate manifestation of public opinion — the ballot box.
Sometimes a sense of unbridled virtue can also subvert democracy. The agitation by civil society activists over the Jan Lokpal Bill is a reminder of this uncomfortable truth. There is a great deal of justified consternation over corruption. The obduracy of the political leadership is testing the patience of citizens. But the movement behind the Jan Lokpal Bill is crossing the lines of reasonableness. It is premised on an institutional imagination that is at best naïve; at worst subversive of representative democracy.
The morality of fasting unto death for a political cause in a constitutional democracy has always been a tricky issue. There is something deeply coercive about fasting unto death. When it is tied to an unparalleled moral eminence, as it is in the case of Anna Hazare or Ramdev, it amounts to blackmail. There may be circumstances, where the tyranny of government is so oppressive, or the moral cause at stake so vital that some such method of protest is called for. But in a functioning constitutional democracy, not having one’s preferred institutional solution to a problem accepted, does not constitute a sufficient reason for the exercise of such coercive moral power. This is not the place to debate when a fast-unto-death is appropriate. But B.R. Ambedkar was surely right, in one of his greatest speeches, to warn that recourse to such methods was opening up a democracy to the “grammar of anarchy”.
If you don’t trust Parliamentary democracy and do not want to participate in the processes, it has in place for people’s participation or even think through ways to reform the system to make it more responsive, what exactly is your alternative? Even with all the corruption within the present system, I would take it over a coercive and totalitarian movement such as Anna Hazare’s where he and his bunch of civil society activists are trying to thrust their version of a Bill down people’s throat through blackmail. The movement is spurious because it misleads people into thinking that it is a fight against corruption when it is basically only a fight to get 5 people’s version of a Bill enacted through coercion. If it was actually a fight against corruption, then where is their blueprint to reform other laws related to corruption, bring in more economic reforms that would take away the government’s discretionary powers and such other matters. It’s clear that this is nothing but a power trip for the activists who do not represent anybody but themselves, but want the power of a elected representative without ever winning or having the capability to win an election. If it were not so, there would have been other civil society activists on the Joint Committee who may not necessarily be supporters of Anna Hazare’s bill but have other ideas of their own.
There is more harm done by so-called “morally upright” people than the ones who do not claim moral uprightness! I have not voted for Anna Hazare or Ramdev, so I do not view him as my representative by any standards. I do not believe in his ideology nor do I support his blackmailing tactics. If he wants to represent people, he better do it through legitimate means ie election. In a democracy, that is the only legitimate means of deciding who is a people’s representative. If he thinks he cannot win an election (as he has said), but wants to enforce his point of view by force, then he wants to wield power to which he is not entitled! It is not the task of a civil society actitvist to draft a Bill. Drafting and debating bills is the primary task of an MP (that’s why he is called a legislator). Civil society can legitimately give its opinions through various points of engagement such as when standing committees invite comments or ministries invite comments for draft bills.
Corruption is a challenge. And public agitation is required to shame government. But it is possible to maintain, in reasonable good faith, that the Jan Lokpal Bill is not necessarily the best, or the only solution to the corruption challenge. The various drafts of the Jan Lokpal Bill are, very frankly, an institutional nightmare. They amount to an unparalleled concentration of power in one institution that will literally be able to summon any institution and command any kind of police, judicial and investigative power. Power, divided in a democracy, can often be alibi for evading responsibility. But it is also a guarantee that the system is not at the mercy of a few good men. Having concentrated immense power, it then displays extraordinary faith in the virtue of those who will wield this power. Why do we think this institution will be incorruptible?
But the demand is premised on an idea that non-elected institutions that do not involve politicians are somehow the only ones that can be trusted. This assumption is false. Institutions of all kinds have succeeded and failed. But the premise of so much accountability discourse is not just contempt of politicians, but contempt of representative democracy. This contempt is reflected in two ways. There are several mechanisms of accountability in place. They have not worked as well as they should; vested interests have subverted them. But interestingly, despite those interests, governments are being called to account. Most of us are as aghast as any of the agitators about the evasions of government. But it does not follow that creating a draconian new institution that diminishes everything from the Prime Minister’s Office to the Supreme Court is a solution. The net result of a “Lokpal” will be to weaken the authority of even other well-functioning institutions. No agitation focuses on sensible, manageable reform of representative institutions; all agitative energies are premised on bypassing them. Perhaps some version of a Lokpal is desirable but deferring to new institutions at the top of the food chain without attending to basics amounts to trying ‘B’ if ‘A’ does not work, is absurd. We should, as citizens, not be subject to the moral coercion of a fast-unto-death on this issue.
But the claim that the “people” are not represented by elected representatives, but are represented by their self-appointed guardians is disturbing. In a democracy, one ought to freely express views. But anyone who claims to be the “authentic” voice of the people is treading on very thin ice indeed. It is a form of Jacobinism that is intoxicated with its own certainties about the people. It is not willing to subject itself to an accountability, least of all to the only mechanism we know of designating representatives: elections. The demand that a Jan Lokpal Bill be drafted jointly by the government and a self-appointed committee of public virtue is absurd. Most of us sharply disagree with elected government on matters even more important than corruption. But no matter how cogent our arguments, it does not give us the right to say that our virtue entitles us to dictate policy to a representative process. In an age of cynicism, Anna Hazare is a colossus of idealism. It is a dangerous illusion to pedal that badly designed new institutions will be a magic wand to remove corruption. All they will do is promote wishful thinking and distract from the myriads of prosaic decisions that will be required to get a better politics.
The nation is energized about Anna Hazare’s fast and Ramdev’s following. But no party is raising a fundamental question. What is the necessity of post or institution called Lokpal? The question can be debated on two levels. First, there is no guarantee that corruption at the top echelons of government will decrease by the appointment of Lokpal. The appointment of Lokayuktas at state levels indicates to the same. But this is minor or superficial level. The main question lies much deeper. Why should there be any need of institutions like Lokayuktas or Lokpals? Whosoever is corrupt should be punished legally. There are laws to prevent corruption. The laws should be applied properly. The responsibility for judging corruption lies with the judicial system. The administration’s responsibility is to investigate and collect necessary evidence for the trial. If the administration doesn’t perform its duty properly, then the judicial system takes the responsibility to get the task done properly. But the crux is-everyone performs the duty which is delegated to him.
Herein lays the logical and fundamental irrelevance of posts like Lokpal or Lokayukta. Why should any other institution carry out the duty of the court? The court itself should get active to implement the prevailing anti-corruption laws to prevent corruption at the top levels of government. The judiciary can recommend creation of stringent laws if necessary. But it is meaningless to create a parallel judicial system for that purpose. That is why in matured democracies of developed countries this kind of parallel institution is a rarity. Two different judicial systems create unnecessary confusion, which can invite major complications in the judicial process. Simultaneously, it is harmful to the dignity of the court. In our country the tendency to create multiple posts or institutions for a single purpose is ancient, well-known, and practically omnipresent. This is a bad habit of Indian society and government. This habit leads to obesity of the government. Accumulation of excess fat is not an indicator of good health. Neither for a person, nor for a country.
But this is just one side of the story. The other side is also important. The presence of a separate judicial system for trial of corruption of high-ranking government officials violates one of the major fundamental rights of democracy. The right that all citizens are equal in eyes of law. If everyone is equal in the eyes of law, then why the corruption cases of government officials can’t be tried in the court where the ‘aam aadmi’ is being tried? Those involved in the movement for methodology for appointment of Lokpal and its legal complexities are not even raising this fundamental question. This indicates, this society is still incapable of understanding the nature of government of a mature, modern democracy. Indian democracy has a long way to go.
Corruption like many other problems is a symptom of poor governance. However as history shows us, in a democracy , these symptoms remain short lived in the long run. The indian republic was founded as a constitutional representative democracy. This is the very basis of India as a nation state , and this basis will never disappear in the long run. A social activist no matter how famous, is undermining the democratically elected government. This creates a precedent that self appointed guardians of our society have the right to browbeat our representative government. While their goal is laudable, their methods call in to question the very legitimacy of our constitution , and the precedent their fasts have set is very dangerous.
Also, the demand that an equal number of civil society activists be involved in the drafting of the Lok pal bill is again unacceptable. The fact is that self appointed citizens cannot hijack the constitutional process of legislation. No man, no matter how noble, can undermine an institution on which our country is democratized, in this case, parliament. The effect of Hazare’s demand is that he implies that he is superior to the institution of parliament.
As a country we need to realize , that corruption is a symptom of ineffective governance. The only way we can eradicate corruption is by concentrating on building our capacities at the rural level. Corruption has only one cure, and that is the principle of democratic accountability which is based on a premise that the voting public shall exercise a rational choice. As long as large swathes of our country are faced with the blight of illiteracy and poverty, voters will never exercise a rational choice. And the elite or the politicians of this country will know that irrespective of the number of scams or scandals they are implicated in, in the end, they only need to trick voters into electing them. If political parties can still hope to get votes by promising a populist handout of a color television, corruption will never leave this country.
Finally, Shouldn’t we stop and ask ourselves why it is that the government was so eager to accede to their hunger strikes, while there have been much more strident efforts for more horrifyingly basic issues of life, homestead and livelihood (I’m thinking of the hunger strikes by the NBA as well as of Irom Sharmila, but there are numerous other examples). Why is a government that has repeatedly proved its ability to simply force feed individuals and therefore stave off the unbearable result of a hunger strike, acceding to this fast even before it has rightly begun? Is it possible that the movement has been so extraordinarily successful because what it does is to reaffirm the current loci of power in its very attempt to counter them? Is this just that literal an example of what Walter Benjamin called law-making violence?





Tuesday, November 23, 2010

Stalling of Parliament, a shame on democracy

Indian parliaments, both at the center and in the states, are characterised by repeated disruptions that appear to interfere with their ability to serve as forums for the translation of public sentiment into public policy. The question asked is “How can India be considered ‘the world’s largest democracy’ when parliamentary Institutions appear dysfunctional?”  If the legislatures of a country do not function properly, then that country is not a democracy.  India’s legislatures do not function properly. Therefore, India is not a democracy. This conclusion, though, contradicts the widely held belief that India is the world’s largest democracy. Parliament is the highest forum the people have chosen for voicing their views, and if they are silenced their democracy is silenced as much as it may be by a dictator. The virus of the discord which breaks out in that ‘well’ so often is spreading throughout the polity. It is depriving Indian democracy of its life-saving quality, that it has hitherto been consensual by nature.
In most countries where democracy has been smothered, only military dictators have dissolved and locked up Parliaments. Is the world’s largest democracy going to have the ignominy of its Parliament being shut down by veteran parliamentarians themselves? Paralysing House proceedings does not solve any problem. In the long run, it will only affect the credibility of Parliament as an institution. It is a disservice to democratic governance to bring Parliament to a grinding halt, paralyse its working and hold it to ransom unless demands, however justified, are met. If the institutions of democracy fail, democracy itself will fail.
The tactic of the BJP along with other Opposition parties in obstructing and stalling the Parliament proceedings is only a foul means adopted to achieve what they cannot achieve by fair means, apart from being a grossly undemocratic way of rendering a duly-elected and constituted Parliament dysfunctional. The second is to demonstrate power, by the ability to act forcefully. It seems to be an attempt to use the issue for a purpose other than its advancement. In this case, the stimulus is a pretext for the demonstration of power. Very few of the disruptions seem spontaneous, though some cases are more obviously carefully planned than others.
The Constitution secures to a Member of Parliament unfettered right to speak and vote but this is not a licence to interrupt or frustrate the proceedings of the institution rendering it powerless. The disruption of legislative bodies in India has changed the status of legislators and the popular view of legislative bodies. Today, Parliament and Legislatures create a new breed of heroes—the Well-rushing heroes, who hope to be elevated to instant national fame, straight from the Well of the House. The image which Parliament and the State Legislatures have projected on the public mind is one of disruption, indecorum, and shouting matches.” Democracy is the single most important achievement of independent India, a political miracle. We are among the few countries who have translated independence for our country into freedom for our people. Parliament is the symbol of that miracle. Parliament is the ultimate guarantor of the continuation and strengthening of our democracy. India does not have one authorized meaning of democracy, nor does it have any single set of practices that constitute ‘democracy’. Instead, democracy in India involves numerous claims and counterclaims, a bewildering web of contestations.
Ever since the United Progressive Alliance formed the government at the centre, the NDA is not able to get over its defeat and in the process has been acting like childish urchins and holding the nation to ransom. Defeat should be accepted in dignity and glory. Stalling the normal functioning of the House and abusive of the chair is nothing but a blatant subversion of democracy.  In democracy, the opposition by passing the Finance Bill without any debate or discussion amounts to a constitutional impropriety and a shame on Indian democracy. The most critical legislation, such as the budgets, gets passed, but often without debate. For example, a report on the 2001 Lok Sabha noted and opined that “The continued stand-off between the government and the opposition benches led to the travesty of parliamentary practice - the Railway budget was passed by a hurried voice vote – which was seen by many as a mockery of the Parliament, its main aims and procedures. Then was passed the Finance bill in the same way as the railway budget.”   These are simply examples of a trend. Regardless of whether it is or isn’t justified there is little doubt that such stalling of Parliament amounts to a grave abuse of the concept of democracy as Mahatma Gandhi had propounded it – a day of penance, self-introspection and soul-cleansing. The Gandhi premise was that acts of self-abnegation and renunciation in the face of others’ wrong doings would surely shame the errant side into reconsidering its decisions.
Unfortunately, denunciatory thoughts are furthest from the minds of the propents of the present boycott. Quite the contrary, the acquisitive instinct at its basest is at work here. It is of course, unexceptionable for citizens to harbour political ambitions. Opinions may differ, however, on the best to go about fulfilling such ambitions. The least one can expect is that the respective contenders clearly enunciate their political philosophies and take definite stands on points of principle. But in the confused milieu, clouded as it is by pernickety personality problems, principle has been relegated to the backseat. True the main debate centers on ‘tainted ministers’. But since there are no two opinions that crime and corruption are bad, there is no issue of principle here, which warrants a debate. Instead, the focus has been moved to debating whether specific individuals are guilty of crime or corruption. And in an impious situation where proof is as scarce as rhetoric is profuse, and biblical injunctions on casting stones stand brusquely ignored, tenets of morality, ethics and principle are natural causalities.
It must be made clear, of course, that all the players in the arena are equally guilty of gross malfeasance. Sobriety has been thrown to the winds. Dialogues are conducted through carp and bark instead of conversation. Standards of public conduct have truly reached their post-independence nadir. Nevertheless, all hope for propriety in public life is not yet lost. The recent sacking of Ashok Chavan, Raja and the likely arrest of Suresh Kalmadi is an eye-opener. But, the blackmailing of tainted Karnataka Chief Minister B.S Yeddyurappa, should make the opposition realize that they are no better. Earlier when in power BJP leaders L.K.Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi held crucial portfolios in the NDA government despite charge sheets against them in the Babri Masjid demolition case. It’s high time the opposition realises that one living in glass houses should not throw stones at others and instead respect the verdict of the people.
What we are seeing…is the biggest crime against democracy since Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency in 1975. Democracy is the lifeline of the whole system. Snap it, and the entire system will collapse, and that will hurt no one more than it will hurt the very people who need the system most. For them this is the only place where they can plead their case, lacking as they do the many other levers which others can use to bend Governments to their wishes.
People outside the Houses of Parliament actually ridicule the institution that it has become today. Is this the legacy that this current House wishes to leave behind? A legacy of indecency, of indecision and of inexcusable behaviour. One in which the focus is more on exchanging angry words rather than debating legislation? The general public at one time looked up to Parliament. It had what one would term social sanction. Today it suffers from social ostracisation. And that is something that will destroy this institution as time goes by, and this is what perhaps you need to stem. The consequence has been that the leaders have lost credibility. That a great deal of disruption arises from the reluctance and procrastination of the leaders to face the House on controversial matters. Growing criminalization of politics, corruption at all levels, absence of inner party democracy, the declining status and stature of members in public life, the growing cost of the electoral process, the ascendancy of party leaders are some other factors that have contributed to the decline of Parliament
Concluding, as noted, the skills required in a parliament where the ability to disrupt is highly valued are not the same as the skills required in a parliament where such an ability is not highly valued. An author rightly opined, “Our legislatures have ceased to be forums of the best and the brightest in the land. Instead, they have become the first refuge of scoundrels.” He cynically contended that “Before Independence we had great parliamentarians, but no Parliament. Today we have a grand Parliament House with grand allowances, but no parliamentarians. There is the story of Independence in two sentences.”



Saturday, July 3, 2010

Criticism is a must, but it must be sane and sensible

The body of Hemant Karkera, ATS Chief passing through Dadar for the last rites. Karkare was gunned down while fighting the terrorist attack in Mumbai
The recent arrests of several senior police officials and the gruesome grueling of one of the highest police officer in false case registered against a Mumbai builder, besides the recent multiple crime cases and the death of honest police officers while fighting terrorists have demoralized the spirits of the police department. Never, in Indian history have the police department been as badly demoralized as it is today. Otherwise too, the police force is a demoralized lot. The police are best summed up by the ‘lathi’, or ‘danda’ as we know it. The police force is nothing but a lathi in uniform and is transparently inept when it comes to solving crimes. Of and on there are demoralized acts reported in the media on police- a policeman killing his superior because he was denied leave? Another policeman shot dead his wife and kids because he was plagued by depression. A third committed suicide by shooting himself with his revolver. So, why do our policemen behave abnormally?
We are often reminded of the negatives of the policemen and are looked upon as corrupt and inefficient. The misconceptions are- they arrive on the scene late, after the incident is over or the culprit has fled. They are also believed to be the protectors of the mafia or makers of terrorists. It is believed that the third-degree torture and punishment given to criminals or innocents leads them to frustration whereby they take to terrorism. How far it is true, the future will tell. In Gulzar's film 'Maachis', the society is made to believe that policemen are the fountains of all evil. Our criticism of police often degenerates into outright abuse and even vilification. As a nation we have yet to learn the art of proportionate criticism and balanced appreciation.
Let's consider the goods and the evils, criticism and appreciation. Let's start with criticism. Yes, as a democratic society, we have a right to question and criticize police. It's an old institution that is starved of resources and its personnel have very little modern training. It is often the most de-motivated band of state employees and has little incentive for good work. And above all the police are extremely poorly paid. They policemen take bribe, therefore they are not entitled to good wages is an irrational argument. A more sensitive argument will be that they take bribe because they do not have decent wages.
Think of those who are decently paid and still take huge bribes and there is no dearth of such parasites in our society. Look at our top politicians. They enjoy free luxuries from bungalows to air tickets-everything free-and still take huge bribes and yet we throng to their rallies in millions, shout slogans in their praise and shower flowers on their path. Some are worshipped as gods. Corrupt politicians are honoured and corrupt police are cursed.
Consider the positives – the risks they are taking while performing their duties and that too on meager wages. Whilst, the corrupt politician who enjoys all the luxuries in life is offered the highest security while on duty and off duty, the dutiful policeman with his ancient 303s has to counteract the bullets of terrorists or underworld goondas armed with sophisticated AK-47s and have in the bargain sacrificed their lives. Are the lives of policemen not dear to their families? The names here are insignificant as many of them have lost their lives as martyrs fighting to save lives of civilians on their line of duty.
Today the terrorist are the protected lot in the country and the police are the most abused. I recollect a statement of a senior police officer that once said,” The policemen who risked their lives to protect innocent civilians and faced terrorist bullets were to be punished for unsubstantial charges of human rights abuses while the killers of innocent children and women were rehabilitated and rewarded. You must be stupid to fight for such a country.” Corruption, crass careerism and political meddling have hollowed out the Mumbai Police, once a premier force in India. “Even the legendary bonding amongst IPS officers is gone,” said a policeman ruefully. “When officers meet today, the talk is more often about who made how much money in what deal.” This is an all-India problem. But it’s acute in Mumbai as the city sits on piles of cash. The underworld, real estate developers, crooked politicians and big business all combine to warp the system.
In the 26/11 attack by terrorists on Mumbai, two of Mumbai’s honest police officers, both Kamte and Karkare were “outsiders” in this system. When circumstance brought them together that fateful night, both knew they had to pursue the terrorists as their fellow IPS officer was injured and under fire inside Cama Hospital. As traditions of the service demanded they go to his aid, they had to face the ultimate challenge in life, while working in a professional milieu marked by so much cynicism, greed and crookery?
It is important to vent our anger, to reject those who preened while our men died. Why are we so defenceless against these repeated outrages, who is responsible for them and who is responsible for stopping them? These are all unanswered life and death questions. Thus when terror strikes and police casualties are huge - the oft spoken words are ‘brave deaths in the line of duty’ and the life chakra starts again. The so-called policymakers at the helm of affairs hide behind the veil of anonymity. Why is the seamless bureaucracy so insensitive to human apathy? Lack of political will has led to complete impotency of the system. Public anger against the frequent terrorist attacks has exposed the inept, inefficient and callous administrators who have failed in their duty. The security agencies in the country need repairing and overhaul. That is long overdue.
Bomb blasts and killings are the order of life now. Terror prospers because the security agencies are constantly distracted by political diversion. The police are the most harassed lot in this as most of them are utilized for VIP duties, for our MPs and MLAs. With each terror strike, some of our outstanding officers fall prey to bullets, but the system still perpetrates. This time it is these brave martyrs who gave their lives for Mumbai to live on. This can happen to any one of us, BUT WHY?
It is in every police personnel mind…the power to serve people; ‘Service before Self’ stands so self defeating by itself. Are they waiting for more deaths? But, as duty demands they have taken a pledge to protect law and order in this country. I beseech the system to wake up and protect these men who dedicate their lives to this nation. Otherwise what can destroy India is a change in the spirit of its people away from secularism and peaceful coexistence that have been our greatest strength. I as a father pray for those children and wife's who will have to grow up without their fathers and life partner. They will know that their dad's were out th...ere serving the public. God Bless those families.
Also policemen live in pathetic conditions. As a result police in India is underfunded, understaffed, underpaid, undertrained and under armed. And, there is only one thing it Criticism is a must for any accountable public servant, including the police, but it must be sane and sensible receives in abundance-that is the universal abuse. Criticism is a must for any accountable public servant, including the police, but it must be sane and sensible. Abuse undermines legitimate criticism.
"It is not how these officers died that made them heroes, it is how they lived." - Vivian Eney